Neptium [comrade/them]

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Class struggle in all its forms.

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Joined 3 years ago
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Cake day: March 23rd, 2022

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  • I was debating whether to respond to this or not and how to respond to this.

    Mandatory general reading:

    Orientalism, Edward Said and Eurocentrism, Samir Amin

    I will link this article again, titled: Gay universalism, homoracialism and « marriage for all » by Houria Bouteldja.

    I can also list various writers and works across the Islamic world, from Islamic feminism, Islamic liberation theology, decolonial marxists, to Islamic socialists. But I think that may not be helpful because again we are stuck in this false dichotomy of “liberal” and “conservatism”. Of a rigid notion of “progress” and “reaction”, which I might add spits in the face of dialectics.

    I can’t fault those that believe in a linear progress of history. Early Marxism itself was tainted with such notions until the 20th century.

    So instead I will posit this question:

    If we are to believe that gender and sexuality are socially situated within a specific cultural and time dependent context, then why do we assume that terms derived from such contexts like “homophobia” and “misogyny” are universally applicable and can be compared across different regions and areas of the globe?

    This is not to discredit the admirable goal of internationalism, of universalising the struggle, but we then have to ask ourselves if this “internationalism” is based on actual applicability of it’s critique to the entire world or merely a projection based on false conceptions, with aid from the cultural and political hegemony of US-led Capital?

    Also I’d like to note: if the Communists and “Progressives” were correct and listened to the masses in the Islamic World, they would have won. But they did not. So who is at fault here?


  • In Malaya, the position is even more complex. In the first instance, we are, as yet, a communally fragmented people with neither history nor traditions which can generate emotional factors that would make for unity despite the fact that no common economic interests exist.

    in On the Future of Socialism in Malaya (1958)

    By kneecapping Chinese capital — the most advanced section of the Malaysian bourgeoisie — [The Malay-Muslim Feudal Class] had no choice but to seek new sources of capital that would not threaten its political hegemony. British capital diminished as East Asian capital — primarily from Japan and the newly industrializing economies of South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore — was becoming an important source of funds and technology."

    in Malaysia’s ‘incomplete’ revolution (2023)

    I was able to organize my life enough that I have some free time. As a result, I wanted to restart my project of compiling a digital list and references of Malaysian and Singaporean history, with particular focus on introducing the left-wing movements and debates in the country.

    The top 2 quotes is the current introduction to the project.

    I am just posting this to further incentivize me on finishing my current readings and the project.

    Okay, to make this post more news-megaworthy, let me discuss this paper:

    The Business Times - 4 Asean members among those said to have Putin’s blessing to join Brics as partners

    BRICS leaders have agreed on a list of nations that will be invited to join as partner countries, as the bloc seeks to strengthen its role as a counterbalance to Western political and economic influence, and South-east Asian nations Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam are reportedly on it.

    A lot of fan fare about this. Odd considering that out of the 4, 2 of them Indonesia and Thailand, also seek to be part of OECD.

    I maintain a welcoming but skeptical view of ASEAN member states joining BRICS.

    … The Philippines and Singapore are unlikely to join [BRICS].

    The joke writes themselves but we all know this already.

    The paper then goes on about Malaysia-Russia relations with not much substance.

    Another article notes in it’s introductory line:

    150 years ago, a Russian explorer made his way to the Malay Peninsula, not to colonise the territory, but to carry out scientific expeditions. In the 1870s, NN Miklukho-Maklai arrived in Johor to begin his exploration.

    Colonialism is still a large part of national consciousness, even if it get’s subdued by neocolonial state narratives.



  • Hey folks! I will be busy for a long while and will probably be inactive on this site for the same period. I am starting my final year of university - very exciting times ahead.

    As a result I’d like to leave a short primer about Malaysian and Singaporean politics on a highly contentious issue: race. Feel free to DM for further elaboration or sources regarding Malaysian/Singaporean politics. I am happy to oblige (whenever I have the time).

    Alright, here it goes.

    Class, race, culture, community, ethnicity and religion. All are jumbled up when talking about politics in Malaysia and Singapore.

    How so? Firstly we have to take a civilisational approach: Chinese, Indian, Malay and Orang Asal (“Original People”) all have their own unique history of thousands of years, and within each there are defining characteristics that define their social structure.

    What happens when this long overlapping cultural exchange in the Straits of Malacca gets disrupted by more recent and numerous immigration from South and East Asia under colonization?

    This leads to stratification and polarization of the Malayan political economy (old name for Peninsular Malaysia that includes Singapore).

    The Malayan Left had many arguments and debates on how to handle these fundamental cultural issues that have plagued the region for centuries. The debate is still ongoing.

    However, there, perhaps 2 main strands can be identified:

    1. Those that defines cultural autonomy as the primary contradiction.

    2. Those that defines class and national liberation as the primary contradiction.

    Many organisations can be labelled as one or the other but those within the same camp may not necessarily agree with each other with everything.

    For an example, those that fall into

    1. often fall into communal fights with other groups. An example of this would be the Chinese Literacy Movement that sought to maintain the existence of colonial era Chinese Language Schools, which more often than not, are also not under the purview of the colonial government (ie. in effect are private schools).

    2. often underestimate the role of culture and race in the social reproduction of the Malayan economy. An example of this would be the MCP (Malayan Communist Party). In many of their party debates, it was often assumed that after national liberation was achieved, racial/cultural/communal issues would vanish. Unfortunately for us, we did not achieve true independence and the racialised political economy remains.

    Prologue -

    I can continue of course but I hope this short glimpse can help you understand why in my arguments I often involve terms such as “racialised”, “culture” or “chauvinism”. Because it is an essential part of understanding Malayan politics.

    But understanding Malayan politics also requires some understanding of South, East and Southeast Asian politics. Under the global hegemony of US-led Capital, Eurocentrism and Orientalism pervades many thinkers, even in the Global South. There must be acknowledgment of this fundamental inequality of intellectual production which is overwhelmingly skewed to the West.

    Only then you can finally understand and deal with the material realities of what we, the peoples of the Third World, have to face everyday.

    See Read you all later.


  • The Diplomat- India’s Struggle to Find a Meaningful Role in Southeast Asia

    I sometimes read The Diplomat as a guilty pleasure because between their tainted liberal platitudes showcases a deep insecurity and incoherence characteristic of Liberalism.

    To establish itself as a significant actor in the region, India needs to consciously seek common ground with Southeast Asian countries on fundamental questions of regional order.

    Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Singapore and Brunei Darussalam in early September once again underscored Southeast Asia’s enormous significance in Indian foreign policy – not only for strategic and economic reasons but because India cannot credibly claim to be a global power until it demonstrates that it can play a meaningful role within its own extended neighborhood. The Indian government has pursued the Look/Act Eastpolicy for three decades with the aim of strengthening its security, trade, and culturalpresence within the ASEAN region. “For India, no region now receives as much attention as this,” Modi declared at the Shangri La Dialogue in 2018.

    Yet, after 30 years of the Look/Act East policy, the relationship has failed to gain momentum on its own, and India is struggling to define a meaningful role for itself in Southeast Asia. For the last six years, the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute’s The State of Southeast Asia surveys have found that the region’s elites consistently rank India lowest among all major powers in terms of its strategic, political, or economic influence in Southeast Asia. In 2024, nearly 2,000 respondents from academia, governments, and civil society across the region ranked India ninth out of 11 major powers in its strategic relevance to the ASEAN countries.

    These are just stating some facts which are more or less true.

    A key cause of India’s inability to carve out a greater role for itself in the region is the fundamental divergence in their international approaches. Although Southeast Asian countries are not a monolith, they have developed a broad consensus on four key questions. India maintains a markedly different outlook on all four.

    Okay I would actually agree with this at face value. But let’s get into the details.

    First, as small countries facing significant external threats, Southeast Asians support and wish to strengthen the existing U.S.-led rule-based global order, some misgivings aside. The ISEAS-Yusuf Ishak survey shows that the regional elites continue to favor U.S. leadership of the world. India, on the other hand, espouses a multipolar world. Despite its improving relations with the United States, it has often expressed skepticism toward U.S. global leadership. The ongoing Ukraine War provides a clear instance of the stark divide between India and Southeast Asian countries. While most of the region has supported United Nations resolutions condemning the Russian invasion, India had consistently abstained from voting against Moscow’s interests.

    ??? And in an instant the article reveals it’s liberalism. Obviously wrong in multitude of fronts.

    Perhaps the author has not gotten the memo of multiple ASEAN leaders specifically utilising the word “multipolarity” in their speeches? India has no power in Southeast Asia not because they did not condemn Russia silly liberal. There is no “stark divide”.

    Southeast Asians support and wish to strengthen the existing U.S.-led rule-based global order, some misgivings aside

    You will find that anti-US sentiment in SEA is not merely just “misgivings” nor as easy to brush over because outwardly most SEA nations engage in bilateral relations with the USA.

    Second, Southeast Asian countries have pursued a relatively firm but friendly approach toward China. While wary of Beijing’s rising assertiveness, they have sought mutually beneficial economic cooperation and tried to avoid sustained confrontation with it. They have been careful not to be swept up in the emerging China-U.S. rivalry.

    Meanwhile, India’s relations with China have sharply deteriorated following their border skirmish in 2020. New Delhi considers Beijing to be its strategic and economic rival, and it increasingly sees its presence in Southeast Asia as a direct competitor to China. This zero-sum mindset has made many in the region uncomfortable.

    Yes, even the annoying liberals in Southeast Asia recognise where the wind blows.

    Third, export-dependent Southeast Asian countries broadly support liberal international trade, while India is often ambivalent and hesitant to open up its markets. While calling for an “open” Indo-Pacific, the Modi government has also promoted protectionist policies under its “Make in India” campaign. As per the latest data from the World Trade Organization, the average import tax in India is 18.3 percent, while in Southeast Asia it ranges from 0 to 11.5 percent. In 2019, India backed out of the ASEAN-centered free trade agreement called the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) at the last minute. India’s trade deficit with Southeast Asia has grown rapidly in the last two decades to reach nearly a quarter of the total trade, which makes it all the more hesitant to keep its market open to the manufacturing hubs of the region.

    Classic free market liberalism that many of the intellectual elites in Southeast Asia regurgitate due to their own moral and intellectual bankruptcy.

    The vacuous hole that is liberalism and its understanding of international relations. It can never shed its western bourgeois origins and the compradors in the region lap it up like the obedient dogs they are.

    The final point of difference is regional multilateralism, a highly-prized feature of Southeast Asian politics. ASEAN is one of the most successful regional organizations in the world, instrumental in fostering peace and economic cooperation in the region. In contrast, India is a reluctant regionalist. Historically, New Delhi has preferred to deal with its smaller South Asian neighbors bilaterally rather than multilaterally. South Asia is one of the least integrated regions in the world, with moribund regional forums. While New Delhi has sought to act as a constructive partner to ASEAN, it has yet to demonstrate that it can champion regional cooperation and lead the establishment and management of regional institutions.

    The divergence between the international outlooks of India and Southeast Asia places limits on what the Look/Act East policy can achieve. India’s incremental investments in the region through trade deals or military exercises are unlikely to bridge the divide. In fact, as the international order comes under growing strain, differences over such first-order principles will become increasingly salient. To establish itself as a significant actor in the region, India needs to consciously seek common ground with Southeast Asian countries on fundamental questions of regional order. Rather than assuming that others will follow its lead by default, it has to invest in understanding the needs and perspectives of its neighbors in order to encourage a united front to confront future challenges.

    To lead Asia, India may need to rethink some of the basic precepts of its worldview.

    Guest Author Sandeep Bhardwaj an independent researcher based in Singapore. His doctoral dissertation was on India’s relationship with Southeast Asia during the Nehru years.

    Ah that explains it. I was already suspecting Singaporean brainworms from the 5th paragraph.

    So in the end the guy got 2/4 of correct but only by coincidence. I think he may need to switch careers since he evidently has failed to do his own job’s namesake.


  • The Jakarta Post - Broadening the prospects for shared future of China-ASEAN community

    *Note: I would rate The Jakarta Post to something like SCMP. Sometimes the article itself is fine, sometimes it is Liberalism. The paper itself has ties to the Indonesian ruling class and intellectual elite.

    …As Chinese ambassador to ASEAN, I would emphasize that the resolution not only has a profound impact on the future of China, but also pools of vast opportunities for the development of ASEAN countries. It thus will open broader prospects for the China-ASEAN community’s shared future.

    First, China’s reform will help China and ASEAN achieve common development. During the past 33 years, the two parties have joined hands to pursue modernization.

    …The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects such as the China-Laos Railway and the Whoosh Jakarta-Bandung High-Speed Railway have helped promote regional connectivity and economic development along the line. The successful and vibrant China-ASEAN relationship has brought tremendous tangible benefits to the 2 billion people in the region.

    …Second, China’s further reform and opening up will inject new impetus to China-ASEAN relations. The resolution outlines plans for fostering new quality productive forces, nurturing new areas for international cooperation, including next-generation information technology, artificial intelligence, aviation and aerospace, new energy, new materials, high-end equipment, biomedicine and quantum technology.

    ASEAN is drafting the ASEAN Community Vision 2045 and its strategic plans, and making great efforts in developing the digital economy, green economy and blue economy, as well as other emerging industries. With more and more confluence of interests, China and ASEAN can align their strategies to explore more potential cooperation in the future.

    China-ASEAN cooperation on clean energy has continued to expand in recent years. Chinese brands account for 67 percent of electric vehicles sold in ASEAN, contributing to the energy transition in our region.

    …China stays committed to fully implementing the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative and the Global Civilization Initiative, and calls for an equal and orderly multipolar world and universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization. China will continue to implement the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) in a high-quality manner and promote regional economic integration. China will continue to unleash the opportunities of BRI cooperation to further enhance regional connectivity.



  • Express Tribune - US itself pushing Asean closer to China

    A peaceful, stable and resilient region is the lifeblood of ASEAN Community Vision 2025, which is built upon three pillars: Political-Security Community; Economic Community; and Socio-Cultural Community. To implement this vision, the bloc strives to maintain peace and stability, integrate markets and build a community with enhanced capacity and capability to respond effectively to challenges and seize opportunities.

    China’s Global Security Initiative (GSI) – underpinned by six commitments, including respecting territorial integrity of all countries; abiding by the principles of the UN Charter; and peacefully resolving differences through dialogue – is believed to challenge the US-led security. It fits well with ASEAN’s Treaty of Amity and Cooperation that embodies universal principles of peaceful coexistence and calls for mutual respect for sovereignty, non-interference and settlement of disputes peacefully.

    There is another striking similarity between the GSI, which seeks to build partnerships based on mutual trust, inclusiveness and win-win cooperation, and consolidate the political foundation for regional peace and ASEAN’s vision that aspires to collaborate and cooperate with like-minded partners to promote stability in the region.

    rest of the article

    The South China Sea (SCS) is perhaps the only major source of friction between ASEAN and China, making the strategic waterways a regional flashpoint and shoving it to a great power competition between China and the US. But the Southeast Asian states do not want to drag themselves in such a situation where they have to choose between the two economic and military heavyweights.

    Then there is the Declaration of Conduct on the SCS that stipulates all parties to resolve their disputes by peaceful means. However, it doesn’t mean China and ASEAN should not expedite the process of completing the Code of Conduct, which is crucial to prevent the region from sliding into instability as evidenced by the recent Beijing-Manila stand-offs in the SCS.

    This is also vital for China given ASEAN in 2021 agreed to elevate their relationship with China to comprehensive strategic partnership and looked to strengthen their ties. Year 2023 marked a milestone for the China-ASEAN relationship since nearly all leaders of the bloc had visited Beijing. During Chinese President Xi Jinping’s trip to Vietnam, the leaders of the two countries announced establishing a strategic China-Vietnam community of “shared future”, indicating a region-wide consensus to safeguard regional stability and boost trade.

    ASEAN’s approach is further reflected in its economic relations with China. According to the ASEAN Secretariat, trade between China and ASEAN since 2010 had doubled to $507.9 billion by 2019 and quadrupled since the entry into force of the China-ASEAN Trade in Goods Agreement in 2005.

    While China and ASEAN are strong supporters of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, this economic relationship has been bolstered by the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement, pushing bilateral trade per ASEAN statistics to $702 billion in 2023 and posting a robust 10.5% growth in H1-2024, according to Chinese data. China has been ASEAN’s largest trading partner since 2009; and ASEAN has become China’s for three consecutive years.

    Unlike the US that practises selective engagement by prioritising countries often seen as strategically important in containing China, Beijing pursues a policy of peaceful coexistence, mutually beneficial cooperation and shared growth – something that is viewed in ASEAN as an effort to build a closer China-ASEAN community with a shared future and enhance “regional peace, security and prosperity” including through upholding the principles of the UN and ASEAN Charter.

    This affinity is also reflected in the people, academics and researchers of the ASEAN countries who consider China as an invaluable ally, thanks to their strong trade ties with Beijing, growing people-to-people exchanges and benefits brought about by the projects of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) such as the China-Laos Railway, Jakarta-Bandung High-Speed Railway and Malaysia’s East Coast Rail that promote regional integration and serve as a catalyst of growth for regional economies and domestic tourism and industry.

    ASEAN is seeking a greater US role in the region but not at the cost of regional stability and its relations with China. While ASEAN Outlook of the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) strives to promote inclusiveness rather than rivalry in the region, the alliance is committed to reinforce their comprehensive strategic partnership with Beijing.

    China is being helped by the US-led mini-lateral alliances such as: Squad, a refined version of Quad, leaving out India and signing on the Philippines alongside Australia, Japan and the US; the JAPHUS, a trilateral grouping of Japan, the Philippines and the US; and the AUKUS, an Australia-UK-US nuclear alliance. These all enfeeble the AOIP relevance by challenging its very principles.

    What’s more, the ASEAN Economic Community Blueprint 2025 envisages building a highly cohesive, integrated and resilient economy. In the coming years, these security architectures as well as the West’s ambivalent attitude toward ASEAN, return of Donald Trump to the White House and labeling of China as “greatest strategic challenge” will likely widen the gap between ASEAN and the US, accelerating the trend of a robust ASEAN-China relationship.

    Final paragraph which summarises it all quite nicely:

    The bloc’s view of China radically varies from the West, which interprets the BRI as an emblem of its expansion strategy. Most Southeast Asian nations don’t see Beijing as expansionist or a military threat and aspire to benefit from the world’s second largest economy. This fundamental asymmetry in the respective approaches will continue to dominate the regional geopolitics and, to the dislike of the US, will cement China’s position as ASEAN’s comprehensive strategic partner.




  • People’s Army Newspaper (Viet Nam) - ASEAN remains China’s biggest trading partner

    ASEAN remained China’s largest trade partner, with bilateral trade volume reaching CNY 3.92 trillion (USD 546.6 billion) in the first seven months, up 10.5% from a year ago, according to statistics by the Chinese General Administration of Customs (GAC).

    Of the sum, China’s exports to ASEAN stood at CNY 2.36 trillion, up 13.7% year-on-year, the agency said.

    China has been ASEAN’s largest trading partner for 15 consecutive years, while ASEAN has risen to become China’s largest trade partner for four years in a row.

    Last year, the two-year trade revenue accounted for 15.4% of China’s international trade value, and the number was 15.8% in the seven months.

    Among the 10 ASEAN member countries, Vietnam, Malaysia, and Indonesia were China’s top trade partners, with turnover up 24.1%, 13.7%, and 4.1% respectively in the reviewed period.



  • Why must we tail western liberals and their funded propagandists?

    Is the world not govern by a Global Capitalist economy led by US capital? The least we can do is analyse the class forces at play, nationally and internationally before simplifying certain parties as just “anti-monarchy”.

    As the OP’s linked article clearly states:

    Coming back to Bangkok, the Thai generals are evidently circling the wagons sensing the Time of Troubles ahead as the Five Eyes is creating a cauldron in Myanmar that can ensnare the neighbouring regions. Bangkok, a western ally previously, is traditionally a hotbed of western intelligence — Five Eyes — and the authorities are well aware of the resentment in the US that their ties with Beijing have expanded and deepened and assumed a strategic character in the recent years.

    And later on,

    Washington is livid that its proxy, Move Forward led by a young man educated in the US and groomed to spearhead a colour revolution, has been banned. The Thai authorities understand that the western intention is to break up the ancient crust of their country’s polity, which is the only way to make inroads into what is otherwise a deeply Buddhist culture — specifically, to demolish the so-called lèse-majesté law protecting the institution of monarchy, an institution that dates back more than 700 years and is a pillar of stability in the country symbolising the unity of the Thai communities. By the way, Christian missionary work is active in both Thailand and Myanmar — as in next-door north-eastern region of India. And the evangelicals are an influential pressure group in the US politics.

    The Thai authorities have shied away from confronting the US. Thai culture values serenity and avoids conflict and displays of anger. Even disagreements are to be handled with a smile, without assigning blame. Hence the circuitous route to squash Move Forward on legal grounds.

    You can disagree with this narrative, but there is truth in this description. A similar thing happens in Thailand’s neighbouring countries. Call it culturalist, or idealist, but it’s an observable reality that the Southeast Asian Left has had to confront.

    The question now arises, are we to support (and what would “support” even entail if it’s just a random comment on an niche online board?) the Western ideologues who espouse the virtuous nature of liberal democracy, when 300 years of history has shown that it was built on colonization and imperialism, or atleast be cognizant of the fact that the Global South countries face overwhelming odds and to fullfil your personal idealist notions of democracy may actually hamper the larger goals of anti-imperialism and communism?


  • Why are there so many racialist parties?

    Colonial capitalism. The British.

    One large point I think is also the failure in developing a national vision to dissolve the communal differences between groups. As a result the parties take on a parochial character.

    And what do indonesians make of it?

    Most Indonesians in Malaysia and Singapore (ie, those with MY/SG citizenship) would be counted as Malay in classifications and often continue to identify as Malay rather than individual ethnic groups (Orang Minang, Bugi etc) as a result. There is a reason for this but I’ll keep my answer short.

    As for Indonesians in Indonesia or migrated to Malaysia and Singapore after independence - I am not too sure.

    Indonesian national identity was developed through efforts by anti-colonial Indonesian nationalists (many where also Chinese) in establishing a Malay-based national language (Indonesian), and so racial classifications had little effect after independence. The Dutch also had not imported as much foreign labourers as the British did, and often utilised the plentiful population surplus in Java for their colonial economy.

    A somewhat similar trend could be seen in Indonesia’s history with their Chinese minority and the indigenous populations of the islands outside of Java but that would not fall under racism or racialism - a colonial construct with extensive roots in Western Modernity and Colonization.

    So when I say particularity, it genuinely is a particularity found only within Malaysia and Singapore in Southeast Asia, but can be seen in many examples across the wider Global South.

    I know that there is some level of racialist tension between malaysia and singapore (and brain drain of malaysian chinese into singapore)

    Brain drain is somewhat of a concern due to uneven development and the higher wages seen in Singapore. This is the result of the semi-peripheral nature of the Malaysia in the World Economy. Other than that it’s not much of a political issue - as in, it is not covered as much in the political theatre of both respective nations (usually).

    Malaysia sometimes complain about brain drain but that is the nature of Capitalism when you are imbedded in global trade networks. The neoliberal leaders follow the mercy of International Capital, and so backlash faced is due to their own subservience and nothing more. Having the 11th most powerful passport in the world has its downsides.

    Singaporeans also have a nascent anti-immigrant base, something along the lines of “they are taking our jobs” but that is also the reality of being a city-state for Western conglomerates to park their headquarters in. Capitalism is the root cause. Not that I expect the labour aristocrats in Singapore to take heed.


  • I truly hate the word racialism, please find an alternative

    I can’t change the literature unfortunately.

    Communalism is also sometimes used as a synonym but I prefer racialism because everyone here uses the word “race” and it is immediately understood what it means.

    And I also use communalism to refer to movements that generally do not fall under the “3 Race” umbrella (Malay/Indigenous, Chinese, Indian) or for more specific ethno-cultural chauvinism within the aforementioned racialised categories.

    All they need to do is just start accepting chinese refugees when Malaysia is destroyed by climate change.

    Actually Malaysia will fair quite well with climate change due to being richer than our neighbours. The position of the country in the middle of the tectonic plate also means that typhoons, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions also are not much of a concern.

    Most major cities are also not threatened as much by rising sea levels.

    If anything we will see more climate refugees enter Malaysia as time goes on. 10% of the population are already immigrants, mainly from South Asia.

    I know your point should be mainly taken in jest but Chinese identity in Southeast Asia and especially Malaysia and Singapore is complicated, I do not necessarily think they will be willing to move to the mainland just due to identifying as Chinese. The most vulnerable to climate change would be indigenous groups that live in/near the coasts. The Sea Nomads (Orang Laut) and certain Orang Asli groups comes to mind.


  • Since I am bored with all the Yankee electoralism, here’s a general profile of Malaysian electoral parties

    Most of these parties and coalitions also form larger coalitions and/or are splinters/mergers of each other.

    I use “Malay-Muslim” to denote a racial-religious political identity unique to Malaysian and Singaporean politics. “Malay” has multiple meanings and various contestations throughout Nusantara (Maritime Southeast Asia).

    “Racialism” is also used to highlight the particularities of how race plays out in Malaysia and Singapore, which is different (but interconnected) to how “Racism” plays out in the West and other colonized regions (Latin America and Africa). Malaysia and Singapore’s closest comparison will probably be East Africa as a result.


    Barisan Nasional (aka The Tripartite Alliance or the OG compradors, racialism and anti-communism):

    UMNO - Malay-Muslim feudal lords and now national bourgeoisie. Racialism with neoliberalism, original progenitors of “Ketuanan Melayu” (Malay-Muslim Supremacy/Dominance) which simmered down the past decade

    MCA - Chinese bourgeoisie, had contacts with the KMT, Chinese racialism

    MIC - Tamil and Hindu communalism, Indian racialism

    KIMMA - Muslim Indian communalism, minor party


    Perikatan Nasional (Malay-Muslim racialism):

    PAS - Political Islam with racialised characteristics, used to be anti-colonial anti-neoliberal left, drifted more to big-tent for racialised rural Malay-Muslim politics with current leader

    Bersatu - splinter because of perceived faults in UMNO, racialised “indigenous rights” (more akin to “nativist” in American context) with focus on “indigenous” Malay-Muslim politics, full membership exclusive to “indigenous” people

    Gerakan - Global South Social Democracy


    Pakatan Harapan (Capital L Liberalism, mostly urban base, allegedly “reformist”):

    PKR - Social Liberalism

    DAP - Western Social (Liberal) Democracy, key proponent of “Malaysian Malaysia”, a racialised liberal compromise

    Amanah - Splinter faction of PAS, Political Islam with Social Liberalism


    Others

    GRS - coalition with many component parties, Racialism with regional characteristics

    GPS - coalition with many component parties, Racialism with regional characteristics

    MUDA - Global South Social Democracy, youth politics

    Warisan - Social Liberalism, regional

    Pejuang - Malay-Muslim Dominance/Supremacy “Ketuanan Melayu”

    PSM and PRM - Marxism/Socialism


  • Malaysian reaction to the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh by the Zionist Entity

    As per usual, Singapore is silent and will probably be late and say something close to what any European power would say. Indonesia’s national news agency Antara is also quiet and only reactions from individual politicians (in Indonesian) have happened (atleast from what I know).


    Politicians across the divide slam killing of Hamas chief

    article

    Politicians from across the divide have reacted with outrage to the killing of Ismail Haniyeh, with Petaling Jaya MP Lee Chean Chung and PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang among those condemning the Hamas leader’s assassination.

    In a Facebook post, Hadi conveyed PAS’s condolences to Haniyeh’s family.

    “May he be rewarded with a martyr’s blessings at Allah’s side. The whole world must condemn cowardly Israel, which is not only behind this attack, but also the ongoing war crimes in Gaza,” he said.

    Meanwhile, Lee said the assassination in Tehran, Iran, showed a “blatant disregard for international law and the principles of sovereignty”.

    “Such actions not only escalate regional tensions but also violate the norms of conduct and the protection of human rights.

    The use of extrajudicial measures to target individuals, regardless of their affiliations, sets a dangerous precedent and compromises efforts toward peace and stability in the region, he said on Facebook.

    Lee also called on the United Nations to condemn the assassination and assist in the investigation so that it can be concluded swiftly and openly.

    Haniyeh was assassinated in the early hours of the morning, according to Hamas, which described the strike as a severe escalation that would not achieve its goals.

    Iran’s Revolutionary Guards also confirmed the death of Haniyeh hours after he attended a swearing-in ceremony for the country’s new president, and said it was investigating.

    Haniyeh had been the face of Hamas’s international diplomacy amid the war raging in Gaza, where three of his sons were killed in an Israeli airstrike.

    Bersatu leader and former foreign minister Saifuddin Abdullah also expressed shock and dismay at Haniyeh’s death and condemned Israel for the attack, adding that he had once spoken through voice chat with the Hamas leader during his time in the ministry.

    In a post on Facebook, Amanah president and agriculture and food security minister Mohamad Sabu also said he had received news of Sheikh Ismail Haniyeh’s passing and return to his Creator as a martyr.

    All these politicians barely even have 1% of the courage and strength of the Palestinian Resistance.

    How I would characterise the parties mentioned:

    PAS - Political Islam with racialised characteristics

    The other MP is from PKR - Social Liberalism

    Bersatu - “Recent” splinter of the traditional comprador party UMNO, focusing on “indigenous rights” (it means something different here, more akin to “nativist”).

    Amanah - Splinter faction of PAS, Political Islam with Social Liberalism.

    If I were to generalise the political landscape of Malaysia, it would be similar to other semi-peripheral nations like Thailand, Brazil, Argentina, South Africa and Russia.


    Malaysian Cabinet demands swift justice over Ismail Haniyeh’s assassination

    political theatre warning

    PETALING JAYA: Immediate investigations must be carried out over the assassination of former Palestinian prime minister Ismail Haniyeh so that those responsible can be brought to justice, said Putrajaya.

    Government spokesman Fahmi Fadzil said the Cabinet, following its weekly meeting, has condemned the assassination of the Hamas chief in Tehran, Iran and it stands in solidarity with Palestinians.

    “The Cabinet also expresses condolences to the family of the former Palestinian prime minister and we urged for immediate investigations so that those responsible can be brought to justice.

    “The Malaysian government will continue voicing out support and cooperating with other countries in our efforts to push for Palestinians to be freed from any forms of oppression,” said Fahmi in a statement on Wednesday (July 31).

    On Wednesday (July 31), Hamas said in a statement that Israel attacked Ismail’s residence in Tehran, Iran.

    Ismail was in Tehran to attend the inauguration of the new Iranian president Masoud Pezeshkian on Tuesday (July 30).

    Also present in Tehran was Dewan Rakyat Speaker Tan Sri Johari Abdul as Malaysia’s representative at the inauguration ceremony.


    MALAYSIA STRONGLY CONDEMNS THE ASSASSINATION OF ISMAIL HANIYEH (Press Release by Wisma Putra aka Ministry of Foreign Affairs)

    how about put your words into action and stop co-operation with the Great Satan

    Malaysia strongly condemns the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh, Chief of the Political Bureau of Hamas and former Prime Minister of Palestine, and one of his bodyguards on 31 July 2024.

    Malaysia extends our deepest condolences and sympathies to the family members, as well as to the leadership and people of Palestine.

    Malaysia unequivocally condemns all acts of violence, including targeted assassination, and urges all peace-loving nations to join in denouncing such acts. The incident underscores the urgent need for de-escalation and reinforces the necessity for all parties to engage in constructive dialogue and pursue peaceful resolutions.

    Malaysia urges for an immediate and thorough investigation into this assassination, and those responsible to be brought to justice. Malaysia also urges all parties to exercise restraint while facts surrounding the assassination are being established.

    Malaysia stands in solidarity with the Palestinian people, and reaffirms its commitment to supporting their struggle for justice and self-determination. Malaysia recognises the role and contribution of the late Ismail Haniyeh to free Palestine and her people from the illegal Israeli occupation.

    The Speaker of the House of Representatives Tan Sri Dato’ Dr. Johari Abdul is also in Tehran as Malaysia’s representative to the inauguration ceremony of the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran. All members of the Malaysian delegation are safe.


    All mosques under Jakim to hold funeral prayers for slain Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh

    I have thoughts on this but I will not voice them because it will be misinterpreted and distract from the main point.


    Bernama - World Leaders Denounce Killing Of Hamas Political Bureau Chief Ismail Haniyeh

    Good rundown from the national news agency of Malaysia.


  • Global Times - Peace and development are firm consensus reached between China and ASEAN: Global Times editorial

    The 57th Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Foreign Ministers’ Meeting and related meetings were held in Vientiane, the capital of Laos, from July 21 to 27. The main purpose of the meetings was to prepare for the political and outcome achievements of the Leaders’ Meetings on East Asia Cooperation in October later this year. Against the backdrop of global economic slowdown and geopolitical tensions, the overall situation in East Asia remains stable, with regional economic integration continuing to advance. It is the common aspiration and universal voice of the people of the region to remain an engine of development and highland of cooperation. This consensus was prominently reflected in these series of meetings.

    In addition to the 10 ASEAN member countries, this meeting was attended by many countries and regional organizations such as China, the US, the EU, the UK, Russia and Japan. It has become an important platform for direct communication on bilateral and multilateral diplomatic issues. The 57th ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, with the theme of “Enhancing Connectivity and Resilience,” emphasized promoting infrastructure connectivity, narrowing development gaps, promoting economic integration and cultural exchanges, and emphasized resolving regional disputes based on international laws such as the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. These signs all indicate that peace and development have become the biggest consensus and firm choice of ASEAN countries. China is a fellow traveler in this vision of ASEAN. This is rooted not only in the historical genes of mutual recognition and pursuit of independence and mutual respect between China and ASEAN countries as developing countries, but also in the practical need to further strengthen relations in response to turmoil and challenges.

    continuation of article

    In recent years, whenever ASEAN meetings are held, some media outlets have predicted that the South China Sea will become a major topic. However, this has not been the case, as the behavior of external powers stirring up trouble in the region has not received collective approval from ASEAN. On the South China Sea dispute, the joint communique of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting is closer to China’s position, both advocating peaceful resolution of disputes and resolving disputes through political means rather than resorting to force.

    Despite facing various disruptions and challenges, the atmosphere of “cooperation first, development priority” presented at the ASEAN meetings once again demonstrates that ASEAN countries are determined to stick to their own path rather than accept an agenda imposed by others. The joint communique of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting clearly reaffirms their commitment to upholding regionalism and multilateralism, emphasizing the maintenance of existing ASEAN-led mechanisms, in promoting peace, stability, security, development, growth to enhance regional resilience to respond to common and emerging challenges. Most ASEAN countries are tired of and resistant to “taking sides” and are unwilling to become appendages or pawns of major powers, which is a fundamental reason why the ASEAN meetings will not become a “home game” for the US.

    If we must “take sides,” most of East Asia, including ASEAN, will definitely stand for regional peace and development. The China-ASEAN relationship has become the most successful and dynamic model of cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region. ASEAN has reaped development opportunities in its cooperation with China, and the entire East Asian region has consistently ranked among the top contributors to global economic growth.

    Openness and inclusiveness are the important foundations and keys to the success of China-ASEAN cooperation. In contrast, today’s Biden administration’s “Indo-Pacific strategy,” US’ engagement with ASEAN has been increasingly tinged with “Cold War sentiments,” putting pressure on ASEAN countries. As Indonesian President Joko Widodo said at an ASEAN summit last September, “the partnership will only be possible through a strong commitment by both parties in maintaining regional peace and stability.” Peace and stability are preconditions for development. Manipulating so-called “security issues” may bring short-term investment and trade chips, but getting caught up in geopolitical disputes and conflicts will exact an unbearable cost on the region, a fact that ASEAN countries know.

    China and ASEAN are friendly neighbors who help each other, intimate partners, and a community of shared future in honor and disgrace. Accelerating negotiations for the ASEAN-China Free Trade Area 3.0, tapping into the potential of emerging industries such as artificial intelligence and financial cooperation, and hosting the China-ASEAN Year of People-to-People Exchanges are all on the shared wish list of both sides. After 33 years, China-ASEAN dialogue and cooperation have entered a mature and stable period, with peace and development becoming an even stronger consensus between the two sides.

    Reading this article I can’t help but think of Kim Il Sung’s words in 1985:

    South-South cooperation is a noble way for the developing countries to strengthen their economic independence and achieve complete economic freedom through close economic and technical cooperation.

    Only when they are economically independent can the developing countries free their peoples from backwardness and poverty, starvation and disease, the consequences of imperialist colonial rule, and consolidate the political independence which they have already won.

    In FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT.

    I know there is this belief that Chinese foreign policy isn’t as progressive as the Soviet Union’s, but speaking from a region of the world that was more influenced by Chinese Marxism than European, I don’t think that’s the case. This does not justify every single policy decision made but Chinese foreign policy has been especially pragmatic and beneficial for those in the Global South.

    Ultimately I do wish for Deng Xiaoping’s theory of “joint development” to be the mainstay in the South China Sea as the waterway continuously becomes a chokepoint for imperialist aggression through the Philippines and Taiwan Province.